Below is the text of Mr Major's speech made in Edinburgh, Scotland, on Wednesday 25th March 1992.
It's good to be back in Scotland for my seventh visit as PM -
Ladies and Gentlemen, the choice at this Election is stark -
Let me not mince words. This Election is far too important for that. Labour would wreck Britain. No one should enter any polling booth without a clear picture of what Labour stand for and the calamity that would befall our country if they should become its Government.
I will tell you what Labour are. Labour are destroyers. Their only political programme is to destroy everything the British people have been building these last few years.
Low taxes? They would reverse them.
Personal pensions? They would ruin them.
Personal savings? They would devalue them.
Good schools? They would close them.
Union reforms? They would scrap them.
Wherever Labour found a spark of innovation a shred of independence, or the spirit of enterprise they would pick it up and snuff it out. For all our futures, they must not be allowed to do it. And we will not let them do it.
They would turn the flights of television fiction into dismal reality. Imagine it. These are the voyages of the Starship 'Lack of Enterprise'. It's five-
Right back to stardate 1974-
Ladies and gentlemen, there are two things you need to remember about tax. Labour are tax addicts. Conservatives have an allergy to tax. We want to bring tax down. They want to put tax up. A Labour Government would mean the biggest increase in personal tax since the war -
Do you remember the last Labour Government when tax levels soared to 98%? When the basic rate of tax for every worker was 35 pence in the pound. Well, now we know where John Smith gets his ideas from -
Labour are still ducking the issue of our costing of their tax and spending plans. They don't tell the truth about our policies, and they won't tell the truth about their own.
Mr Cook has confirmed that all their promises would be implemented within five years. The cost of that would be £38 billion. I repeat £38 billion -
Mr Kinnock's Shadow Cabinet and his minders cannot protect him for ever from answering these questions. The country expects the answers. It has a right to have them. So let's hear them -
Then there's inflation -
What would Labour's price rises do to the peace of mind of every pensioner? What would they do to savings, to pensions annuities, to the low-
I'll tell you what they would do. Hit where it hurts most. Hit the vulnerable. Hit the weak. Hit the elderly. In fact the only target a Labour government would hit would be the pockets of the people.
But it wouldn't just be people. It would be business. Every percentage point on inflation would cost industry £5 billion a year. What would that do to investment? What would that do to jobs? What would that do to help recovery and get Britain competing in the world?
Labour are following their instincts -
Well, our priorities are different. For us, the battle against inflation is the acid test. This month, for the first time since before man walked on the moon, British inflation rates are lower than those in Germany. It seemed impossible. It seemed unachievable. But this Government did it. And now, I promise you, we will go on -
Ladies and gentlemen, wherever you go in the world -
This Government has changed all that. We have been keeping strike records for over a century. And last year the number of days lost to strikes was the lowest ever since records began. That's good for Britain. Good for our name. Good for our exports. Good to encourage inward investment. And good for jobs.
Reforming the trade unions is one of our proudest achievements. The public have supported it. Union members have supported it. So who could believe that anyone would want to reverse it? But they do. Labour do. We must tell the people. We must stop them. We must make sure that the union barons never again hold sway in this land in the way that once they did.
I just don't believe that people want to reverse our union reforms. I think they want to take them further. And so do I. And so we will.
That's why in the next Parliament we will give individuals greater freedom in joining the union of their choice. We will see to it that no strike is held without a full postal ballot. We will make sure that unions give at least seven days' notice of a strike. And we will allow any member of the public to take legal action to stop the disruption of their public services by wildcat strikes. That's the way to give power to the people and to keep everyone within the law.
That's our agenda. So what is Labour's? To allow secondary strikes. To stop employers obtaining an immediate court order to stop an unlawful strike. To take away from individual union members the right not to join industrial action. To restrict severely the right of the courts to take away a union's assets when it breaks the law.
Back to flying pickets. Back to wildcat strikes. Be the law ever so mighty, the trade unions would be above it. That's Labour's policy. It would be a calamity -
Back to the past with a vengeance. Labour Ministers and trade union leaders carving up the British economy, and the British people left with the scraps. In 1979 we said goodbye to all that. On April 9 we must bury it for good.
I want you to tell the country how we cherish the National Health Service. And by the way, it is the National Health Service; it does not belong to the Labour Party. I will never forget what I owe to the Health Service. I will do everything I can to strengthen and develop it. So long as I am Prime Minister the resources we give it will grow year by year.
There will be many people in Britain -
No regard for the truth. No regard for the feelings and emotions of the families they use. Nothing but concern for their own self-
Such men must never govern.
Ladies and Gentleman, twice during our period of office, we have had to go to war -
The world needs to know where Britain stands. We cannot afford a Labour Party which doesn't know from one year to the next where they stand. For the Labour Party, defence is not a responsibility -
Labour is led by a man who -
Ladies and gentlemen, Britain needs strong defences and there is only one way to guarantee that -
Britain's authority in the world is a vital concern to everyone in this election. There is a stark choice between the parties. These are the questions which everyone should ask.
In short, you must ask yourself this question: whom can you trust to defend the nation's interests and keep Britain safe?
I believe the answer is clear. This Government and this Party.
Now let me put some other questions to you.
The answer to all these questions is of course.....but I don't have to tell you, do I? There is only one Party in the western world which has been so wrong, so often on the critical questions of our time. Never were so many mistakes of judgment made on so many subjects by so few.
Every day, Douglas Hurd and I have to take crucial decisions for Britain. Our record is there for all to see. It's tried; it's tested. Unlike the Labour Party's. This is a flawed, flakey -
What would those emerging democracies of Eastern Europe, reaching out to freedom, make of a Labour government? What would they think? They have endured the pain and the privation of socialism for decades, and thrown it off after much grief and suffering. So what does Labour propose to send them -
Ladies and gentlemen, almost twenty years ago, it was a Conservative Government which took Britain into Europe. We in this Party have never wavered in our commitment to membership or to the Community's fundamental principles.
But what makes a good European? Always agreeing with our partners doesn't make a good European. Always agreeing with the Commission doesn't make a good European. Sometimes a good European has to say 'no'. He has to say no if he sees Europe moving in the wrong direction. He has to say no if he sees Britain's interests threatened. That is why, when necessary, we have rejected the proposals of the Commission. Insisted on greater financial discipline. And we have got it. When we demanded a fairer contribution from Britain to the Community Budget -
And last December, at Maastricht, I negotiated on behalf of our country an agreement which advances British interests and strengthens the Community. It provides us with a superb platform for the British Presidency of the Council of Ministers, which will culminate in the historic summit that I will bring to Edinburgh later this year.
Those negotiations were tough. They were gruelling. Let me tell you something. When you are negotiating in Europe with your fellow Presidents and fellow Prime Ministers, there is nobody else with you. You're on your own. You've got to have your wits about you. You've got to be clear about what you want to achieve. You have to understand the detail. One mistake -
Let me tell you what I believe are the principles and objectives that are right for all of us in Europe.
First, we want to see a community of nation states, not a United States of Europe. When our national interests and our partners' interests coincide, then common action makes commonsense. But we must never give up the right, our national right, to take the crucial decisions about our security, our foreign policy and our defence.
Elsewhere, responsibility should not be given to the Community when it can be discharged at national or local level. That is a principle that I insisted on at Maastricht. It is a principle to which the Conservative Party will hold fast.
Second, we must ensure that the Single Market is a genuine free market, open for business right across the Community. It must have common rules -
Third, we want to see a wider, more open and outward looking Europe -
Labour's approach to Europe puts Labour's needs first, Britain's needs -
Labour have changed their policy on the principle of Community membership. Not once, not twice, not three times... not four times... not five times. Six times.
Not long ago, they wanted to pull Britain out of Europe. Now they can't wait to accept -
Labour sees the Brussels bureaucracy as a raft on which to build a socialist superstate. They want to turn the Community -
They want to accept the Social Chapter which we rejected at Maastricht -
More important still, if Labour, not the Conservatives -
I was not prepared to do that. I repeat -
Ladies and gentlemen, there is one other great issue of which I must speak tonight. When I came to Scotland, just a few weeks ago, I said that this issue transcended the Election. It does. For it concerns the future of our United Kingdom.
Everyone in Scotland knows what I feel about this. I have made -
I believe the vast majority of people in Scotland share my view. They remember -
It was enough that they carried our language, our law, our principles, our civilisation. Together our nations have been far, far greater than the sum of their parts. Separate, we could never have changed the face of half the world. But together we did.
And, although we achieved this together, no-
I speak to you as an Englishman, not a Scot. But I also speak to you as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. The future of Scotland is your decision. If after all the arguments have been carefully weighed, the people of Scotland want to break the bonds that bind us, then it can be done. No nation can be held within a union against its will.
Yes, we can break up the United Kingdom. But it would be an unimaginable disaster. But we can do it -
But as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, I have a duty to rise above the heat and fire of an Election campaign. I have a responsibility to point out to the whole country -
It is not Party advantage that leads me to this. There are others in Scotland who pursue the short-
Ladies and gentlemen, I will waste no time on the narrow nationalist case. It is a negative case, a socialist case, a separatist case. It is the fast route to the divorce of two great nations. The exchange of Great Britain for a little Scotland and a lesser Union. Our enemies and rivals would think we were mad.
But it is with that very madness that the Labour Party and the Liberal Party -
The truth is this. It is what others have called the West Lothian question. It is what I call the Robin Cook reply. If there were to be in Scotland a tax-
I do not want these things to happen. I want to avoid, not to promote, the bitterness and conflict that would be the certain result. A new tax-
Scotland leads in this debate -
Ladies and Gentlemen, I cannot hide from you how profoundly I feel about this issue. It is easy in an Election campaign for people to lose sight of the fundamentals. Among these the greatest is the very standing and security of our country -
The first duty of the Conservative Party when we came back to office in 1979 was to restore our pride and authority in the world. That we have triumphantly done. People across the world now look to Britain. We are giving a lead to others in crises and difficulties in every part of the globe. Standing for partnership in a wider Europe -
The Union is, I believe, the rock on which this Kingdom's authority rests. Standing together, we have moulded the history of much of the world. Separating or separated we would be tossed on its tides.
I appeal to people in every part of our Kingdom to reflect on that. To reject with scorn the short-
Let us stand together. Stand for what we believe. Stand for what we can yet achieve. Together. United. Proud of Scotland, yes. And proud of the Union, too. Let us go out from this hall and tell the world. In this Party we will fight -